Dudley Street, Seven Dials, London

Jerrold and Doré were both transfixed by the deprivation, squalor and wretchedness of the lives of the poor, even though they realised that London was changing and some of the worst social evils were beginning to be addressed.

In 1869, French artist Gustave Doré began an extraordinary collaboration with the British journalist Blanchard Jerrold. Together, over four years, they produced a landmark account of the deprivation and squalor of mid-Victorian London.

Warehousing in the City

‘The warehouse-men pause aloft on their landing-stages, book in hand, to contemplate us … The man bending beneath an immense sack turns up his eyes from under his burden, and appears pleased that he has disturbed us’.

In 1869, French artist Gustave Doré began an extraordinary collaboration with the British journalist Blanchard Jerrold. Together, over four years, they produced a landmark account of the deprivation and squalor of mid-Victorian London.

Essex Water gate, Essex Street, London 1890s, 1930s and 2010s

London’s water gates date from the time before the building of the embankment and the road on the north side of the river, when the tidal wash reached a lot closer to the buildings (and former palaces) that follow The Strand and Fleet Street. The gate in Essex Street dates back to t0 1676, and was used for a time as an emblem by Methuen publishers when they had their premises here.

Essex Water Gate was badly damaged during the Second World War. It was later repaired and incorporated into the 1953 building across the end of the street. The so-called ‘gate’ is therefore an office block today. It should be pointed out that the edge of the Thames, before the Victoria Embankment was constructed, did not reach as far north as the Essex Water Gate but was about 100 yards to the south – level with the southern extremity of the Temple Gardens. Of course, when the Victoria embankment was constructed, it was no longer possible for the water-side wharves at the south side of Essex Water Gate to continue to operate.

While it would be true to say that the Essex Water Gate stands on the site of a water gate that stood there in medieval times, it should not be concluded that today’s structure is in any way derived from the early water gate. When newly built in the 17th century, it was used as a device by the developer to hide the wharves from the view of the newly erected terraces of houses in Essex Street.

Sources:
knowyourlondon.wordpress.com
johncoulthart.com/feuilleton

The Tower of London, engraved by W Miller, 1831

This print conveys a sense of the bustle of commercial and passenger traffic on the Thames in Turner’s time. A noteworthy detail is the presence of two steam packets, identifiable as the Talbot and the Lord Melville, both cross-channel ferries.

The image was probably created for a proposed series of prints showing Picturesque Views of London and its Environs. The stately presence of the Tower of London in the upper half of the engraving serves to establish the presence of history amongst the bustle of modern life.

1872 – Lemonade Vendor

Illustration of a lemonade vendor from ‘London: a pilgrimage’ by Blanchard Jerrold and Gustave Doré, 1872. Henry Mayhew in ‘London Labour and the London Poor’ (1861) records that lemonade was made from a mixture of carbonate of soda, tartaric acid, sugar and essence of lemon. The best sellers mixed the powder with spring water kept cool in stoneware jars. However, this seller appears to have ready-mixed lemonade in a barrel. On a good day a vendor to take 3s 6d, of which 2s to 2s 6d was profit.

The Underground map of London, 1911

The Waterloo and City railway company did not participate in the unified map agreement, although on this map the line is nevertheless shown. This was presumably in the hope that it would encourage more passengers to travel on the lines participating in the agreement by using the interconnections with the Waterloo and City Line.

The map was produced by the cartographers at Johnson Riddle & Co, and was the first map to include the Richmond terminus of the District and Metropolitan Railways as well as showing three separate stations at Hammersmith.

There is geographical distortion in the North West of the map, similar to that on the 1908 map, which flattens out and moves South the Metropolitan Line, to accommodate the title box.

The map produced the next year, in 1912, has no such distortion and makes an interesting comparison as it is the same size but truly geographical.

St Peter’s Alley, London (off Cornhill)

The principal street in this ward having been originally the corn market for the city, obtained the name of Cornhill, and communicated the same name to the ward. It is bounded on the east by Bishopsgate-ward; on the north by Broad-street ward; on the west by Cheap-ward, and on the south by Langbourn: and is divided into four precincts. This is a ward of small extent, though rendered of importance by its situation and the condition of the inhabitants. It begins on the north east, at the south-east corner of St. Martin Outwich’s church in Bishopsgate-street, and runs by several windings south-west as far as the west end of Cornhill. Then beginning again on the north, about fifty feet from the south-west corner of Bishopsgate-street, it runs south to St. Peter’s alley in Gracechurch-street, and from thence, by divers windings, it proceeds to the south-west corner of Cornhill. So that it contains Cornhill entirely on both sides. On the north side of this street are several courts, &c. as Star court, Weigh-house yard, Newman’s yard, Finch lane, Freeman’s court, Swithin’s alley, Castle alley, and the opening to the Bank. On the south side there are Peter’s alley, Michael’s alley, Birchin lane, Change alley, and Pope’s head alley.

From Disinfectors to Mush-Fakers, photographs of real life on the streets of Victorian London

Street Life in London, published in 1876-7, consists of a series of articles by the radical journalist Adolphe Smith and the photographer John Thomson. The pieces are short but full of detail, based on interviews with a range of men and women who eked out a precarious and marginal existence working on the streets of London, including flower-sellers, chimney-sweeps, shoe-blacks, chair-caners, musicians, dustmen and locksmiths. The subject matter of Street Life was not new – the second half of the 19th century saw an increasing interest in urban poverty and social conditions – but the unique selling point of Street Life was a series of photographs ‘taken from life’ by Thomson. The authors felt at the time that the images lent authenticity to the text, and their book is now regarded as a key work in the history of documentary photography.

The Great Fire of London, September 1666

The Great Fire of London. This painting shows the great fire of London as seen from a boat in vicinity of Tower Wharf. The painting depicts Old London Bridge, various houses, a drawbridge and wooden parapet, the churches of St Dunstan-in-the-West and St Bride’s, All Hallow’s the Great, Old St Paul’s, St Magnus the Martyr, St Lawrence Pountney, St Mary-le-Bow, St Dunstan-in-the East and Tower of London. The painting is in the syle of the Dutch School and is not dated or signed.

The Independent Shoe Black

A LONG and uneven war has been waged for many years between the various members of the shoe-blacking fraternity. The factions that divide those who look to our boots for a mode of livelihood are wonderfully numerous. There are boys who maintain that no able-bodied man should seek to clean boots, that this work should be monopolized by children. Others, on the contrary, urge that the street should be free to all, and that if an able-bodied man chooses to devote himself to the art of blacking boots, as a free British subject, he has a right to follow this or any other calling, however humble it may be. Probably he is not fitted for anything better; and if so, it is to the interest of the community that he should be allowed to do, at least, that which he feels disposed to attempt. A third party will rejoin that this is altogether a false theory, that men who are capable of more worthy work should not be allowed to degrade themselves by menial offices,-a principle which, however, if universally applied, would soon revolutionize the whole face of society.

So far as the London boot-blacks are concerned, this principle has, nevertheless, been carried out to a very great extent. The police authorities have taken upon themselves to interfere, indeed to destroy, the freedom of trade in the matter of cleaning gentlemen’s boots, and the independent boot-black is consequently treated by the authorities as if he was little better than a smuggler.

Useful, though perhaps unfair, patronage is accorded to the members of the Boot-black Brigades. These are the orthodox or legitimate boot-blacks, and they consequently find favour in the eyes of the police. The policeman, who is essentially a lover of order, an admirer of discipline, cannot understand why, if a boy wants to manipulate brush and blacking for a living, he should not join one of the brigades.

He is likely to forget that the real attraction of street life, the one advantage it offers in exchange for all the hardships and poverty to be endured, is precisely that sense of independence and absence from discipline which no member of the brigade can enjoy. The shoe-black brigades, though excellent institutions, have decidedly trespassed on the freedom of street industries. Their organized and disciplined boys have the monopoly of various “beats” and “pitches” given them, and their exclusive right to clean boots in the streets or at the corners in question is rigorously enforced by the police. Yet, notwithstanding such privileges, the brigades are unpopular among the classes they are supposed to serve, and this opinion I find confirmed by the last Annual Report of the Ragged School Union.
The author of this Report qualifies results achieved in the year 1876 as a success, because the number of boys employed in the nine societies has been augmented to the extent of twelve recruits! In this huge metropolis, with its rapidly-increasing population-in a year, too, of commercial depression, when the poor are naturally driven to such expedients-only twelve new boys were found willing to join the nine different societies. An augmentation of one and one-quarter of a boy per society during twelve months cannot be qualified as a success.

The Boot-blacking Brigade movement was started in 1851, when 36 boys were enrolled, and they earned during the year £650. After labour extending over the whole metropolis, and unceasingly pursued during a quarter of a century, the number of boys has been increased to 385, and their annual earnings to £12,062.

During the twenty-five years the boys have earned altogether £170,324; and the average benefits per week accruing to each boy, last year, amounted to twelve shillings. Considering the enormous influence brought to bear, the subscriptions, the patronage of the public, who generally prefer employing a boy wearing the brigade uniform, and, finally, the protection these boys receive from the police, I do not think that the above statistics are satisfactory. That independent boot-blacks should still be able and willing to wage war against the brigade boys, though the latter have every advantage, demonstrates how unpopular the movement is among the poor themselves. There is also the feeling that, if a boy is willing and sufficiently steady to submit to the discipline enforced by the managers of the brigades, he is worthy of some better employment than that of cleaning boots in the streets. This should be left to those who are less fortunate by reason of the bad education they have received, the bad instincts they have, through no fault of their own, inherited from vicious parents, and the disorderly disposition engendered by the bad company with which they have been surrounded from their youth upwards. In great towns, at least, there are always a large number of persons whom strict moralists-men who judge a fellow-man by his deeds, instead of taking into account his disposition and his surroundings-would condemn as altogether hopeless. Yet these persons, who are unfit for any good or steady work, must nevertheless live; if not in the streets, then, probably, in prison, or in the workhouse. But assuredly, instead of being supported by the rates or the taxes, it would be preferable that these unreliable and almost useless members of society should earn their living by cleaning boots, or carrying boards, or by any other similar catch-penny menial work. The police, however, are determined to debar this class from the free exercise of boot-cleaning in the streets.

An independent boot-black who has not secured a licence – for which, by the way, he must pay five shillings a year when, if ever, he does obtain it – is severely handled by the police. They will not allow him to stand in one place. If he deposits his box on the pavement, the policeman will kick it out in the street, among the carriages, where it will probably be broken, and the blacking spilt. The independent boot-black must be always on the move, carrying his box on his shoulders, and only putting it down when he has secured a customer. Even then, I have known cases of policemen who have interfered, and one actually kicked the box away from a gentleman’s foot, while he was in the act of having his boots cleaned. This excess of authority was, I believe, illegal; and, I am glad to say, justly resented by the gentleman in question, who insisted that the independent boot-black should continue his work, and defied the police to arrest him. The policeman had evidently exceeded his orders, and this was proved by the fact that he did not dare accept the gentleman’s challenge. Of course, if the shoe-black, though not belonging to a brigade, possesses a licence, he may do as he chooses, and need fear no interference, but the difficulty is to procure a licence. The police do not, I believe, absolutely refuse to give a licence to an able-bodied man, but they contrive to keep him waiting so long, probably twelve months, that he generally gives up the attempt, and turns his attention to some other sort of work, or else goes out with brush and blacking, but without the licence, and submits to the ill-treatment that results. On the other hand, an old man, a cripple, an infirm man, or youth who can draw up a petition and obtain the signature of four householders, will receive immediate attention at Scotland Yard, and have a licence given him gratuitously and without any delay. This clearly proves that the police seek, as far as they can, to make the cleaning of boots in the streets a matter of privilege, and to reserve that privilege for the exclusive use of members of the brigades, or for old men and cripples.

Such a policy, which has certainly many reasons in its favour, has not, however, been brought into force without considerable opposition. The independent boot-black, whose photograph is before the reader, found by experience that the system instituted was not altogether pleasant. He has served in two brigades, the “blues” and the “reds,” and found them both equally objectionable ; so, at last, he gave up the uniform, and became an independent boot-black. In this capacity, though free, he experienced all the persecutions to which I have alluded, and as he grew older and more tired of this life, he finally resolved to leave the narrow streets for the broader thoroughfares of the ocean. As a sailor, he promises to become a useful help to his captain and ship. His mother has to nurse an invalid husband, and must also provide for a large family. Under these circumstances, it was not always easy for her to spare the services of her son. But when he became an independent boot-black, he could go out at his own hours, and thus was of greater use to his mother in her trouble; and it was a great help to the family to know that whenever the boy had a few moments to spare, he might run out and hope to gain some pence by cleaning gentlemen’s boots.

The police have not been uniformly successful in stamping out unlicensed shoe- blacks. In some cases the tradesmen came out of their shops and spoke in their favour; they objected that the shoe-black had been standing outside their doors for many years, was well known to the neighbourhood, had proved himself useful in running errands, or lent his aid to put up the shutters in the evening, and that, consequently, the policeman would oblige them by leaving him alone. There are, therefore, a few independent boot-blacks who lead an easy life, and whom the police refrain from molesting, but these are the exception. Taking a broad view of the question, I may safely repeat that the freedom of trade has, in this respect, been destroyed. Only boys of the brigades and old men and cripples are welcome to practise the art of cleaning boots in the streets of the metropolis.